http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/
OLYMPIC TORCH TO EVEREST: NEO RED GUARDS PREVAIL
B.RAMAN
Before the outbreak of the disturbances in Tibet and the adjoining
Tibetan-inhabited areas on March 10,2008, the Chinese Olympic
Organising Committee had planned to take the Olympic torch to Tibet
twice. It was to be taken first to the summit of the Everest from the
Chinese side by a group of Chinese mountaineers and then taken to
other provinces. Thereafter, it was to be brought back to Tibet for a
second time for being taken across Lhasa, the capital, and adjoining
areas.
2. The Committee had announced the dates of the second run as between
June 19 and 21,2008, but it had kept the dates of the climb to the
Everest a secret to prevent the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC) from
disrupting it.However, one could guess that it would be in the laast
week of April and the first week of May,2008, from the fact that the
Chinese authorities had imposed a ban on foreign tourists and
journalists travelling to the Himalayan foothills till May 10. They
had pressured the Nepal Government to ban all expeditions to the
Everest till May 10, since they were afraid that the TYC volunteers
may climb the Everest from the Nepal side and cause an avalanche on
the Chinese side as the flame was being taken to the top of the
Everest.
3. It is learnt that in the wake of the continuing unrest in the
Tibetan-inhabited areas, the matter was considered by the party
leadership in Beijing and a suggestion reportedly made by Prime
Minister Wen Jiabo that the torch should be taken to Tibet only once
between June 19 and 21 and that the proposal for Chinese mountaineers
to take it to the top of the Everest should be abandoned. This
suggestion was reportedly accepted. Though no official announcement
was made about it, Chinese officials in Beijing and Lhasa indicated
that the ban on the travel of foreign tourists to Tibet would be
lifted from May 1.
4. However, this position has been changed and Chinese officials have
been saying that they are determined to take the torch to the top of
the Everest whatever be the consequences and that the ban on the
foreign tourists going to Tibet would continue even after May 1 till
further orders. They apparently intend lifting the ban only after the
torch had been taken to the top of the Everest, brought down and taken
to other provinces.
5. The reiteration of the plan to take the torch to the top of the
Everest is reported to have been the outcome of a strong opposition
from a group of Neo Red Guards consisting of Mr.Meng Jianzhu, the
Minister for Public Security, Mr. Zhang Qingli, the head of the
Chinese Communist Party in Tibet, and Mr.Qiangha Puncog, the head of
the Tibetan Government. It is understood that the policy on Tibet is
increasingly dictated by this group, which enjoys the support of the
People's Liberation Army (PLA). This group reportedly argued that any
plans to abandon the climb to the Everest with the torch could be seen
by the Tibetans as a sign of weakness and could further worsen the
situation. Its views prevailed.
7. In the meanwhile, after nearly a month of vicious attacks on the
so-called Dalai clique, which was held responsible for the uprising in
Tibet, the Government-controlled media has now turned its guns on the
Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC), whose activities are being compared to
those of Al Qaeda and the Chechen terrorists in Russia. The
Government-owned "People's Daily", which has been carrying articles on
this subject, has avoided giving the impression that these are its
views. Instead, it has been projecting them as the views of Chinese
netizens, having their own blogs.
8. Annexed is the text of an interview given by Mr. Zhang Qingli to
"Spiegel", the well-known German journal, on August 16,2006.(10-4-08)
(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt.
of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical
Studies, Chennai. He is also associated with the Chennai Centre For
China Studies. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com )
ANNEXURE
Text dated August 16,2006 of an interview given by Mr.Zhang Qingli,
to 'Spiegel", the well-known German magazine
SPIEGEL: Mr. Zhang, Tibet is traditionally a deeply religious country,
whereas the Chinese Communist Party is secular. Marx called religion
the opium of the masses. How do you reconcile the two?
Zhang: Nature is diverse. Different life forms coexist and the world
is colorful. This also holds true when it comes to ideology. We
emphasize harmony, so that different ideologies and ideas can live
together in peace. The Chinese government practices religious freedom.
SPIEGEL: But since when has the Communist Party tolerated religion in
its current form?
Zhang: The party and the government have a clear policy on religion.
First, we have religious freedom. Second, religious communities must
make their own decisions, and we cannot have interference from abroad.
Third, they must be conducted and managed according to the laws. And,
finally, we show them how to become integrated into socialist society.
You can see the way it is in Tibet, where people make pilgrimages to
the temples, turn their prayer wheels and pray to Buddha.
SPIEGEL: The Dalai Lama is one of the world's most popular religious
leaders, and he is deeply revered by the people of Tibet. But the
government in Beijing sees him as a despicable separatist. Why?
Zhang:Five thousand Tibetan soldiers died during the supposedly
"peaceful liberation" of the region. In 1959, the Tibetans rebelled
against China and the Dalai Lama fled to India. In 1989, a bloody
crackdown stamped out a renewed protest movement. Zhang: Our policy
toward the Dalai Lama is clear and consistent. After the founding of
the People's Republic and the peaceful liberation of Tibet, he was
elected to a leadership position in the National People's Congress in
1954. He remained a member of that body until 1964. In 1956 he was
named director of the preparation committee for the Tibet Autonomous
Region. All of this was done so that religious freedom could be
guaranteed, and so that Tibet could be integrated into the great
family of socialist nations. He fled the country in 1959. There is no
doubt that at that time he was a widely respected religious leader.
SPIEGEL: And is he no longer that today?
Zhang: He did many bad things later on that contradict the role of a
religious leader. The core issue is this: Everyone must love his
motherland. How can it be that he doesn't even love his motherland? We
have a saying: "No dog sees the filth in his own hut, and a son would
never describe his mother as ugly."
SPIEGEL: The Dalai Lama doesn't love Tibet?
Zhang: Tibet is the home of the 14th Dalai Lama, but China is his
motherland. He deceived his motherland. He rebelled in the 1950s and
in the late 1980s he incited unrest in Lhasa that was directed against
the people, the government and society. He destabilized Tibet.
SPIEGEL: The Dalai Lama is widely respected worldwide.
Zhang: If I remember correctly, from 1959 to the middle of this year
he has made 312 visits to places all over the world, which comes to an
average of six countries a year. It was even 12 in 2005. And what did
he do during these visits? The goal of these so-called official visits
was to form alliances with anti-Chinese forces and to engage in
propaganda for his separatist views, which conflict with religion.
SPIEGEL: But much has changed in the world in the last 20 years. China
has opened up and trade has become globalized. The question of power
on the roof of the world has been resolved. The Dalai Lama has
abandoned his claims to independence and agrees to a far-reaching
autonomy for Tibet. Why isn't China generous and self-confident enough
to allow the Dalai Lama back into the country, as he would like? Does
he still pose a threat to you?
Zhang: We have a clear policy. The door to negotiations will always be
open to him, but only when he truly and comprehensively abandons his
intentions to divide the motherland, intentions that are directed
against society and the people, only when he gives up his splittist
activities and only when he openly declares to the world that he has
given up claims to independence for Tibet.
SPIEGEL: Didn't he do this long ago?
Zhang: The problem is that his behavior and his statements contradict
one another. He says: "I want to take a middle path and I accept that
there is only one China." But in reality he has not spent a single day
not trying to split the motherland.
SPIEGEL: What do you mean by that?
Zhang: What his so-called middle path means is this: He wants to
integrate Tibetan settlement areas in the provinces of Sichuan,
Yunnan, Qinghai and Gansu into Tibet. He wants to be in charge of this
"Greater Tibet" and he demands that the People's Liberation Army be
withdrawn from the region. Besides, he wants to see a return to an
earlier, theocratic feudal realm, as dark and gruesome as it was. In
those days, government officials, noblemen and monks ruled 95 percent
of the population. And he wants even more autonomy for Tibet than has
been given to Hong Kong and Macau. That is splittism.
SPIEGEL: But haven't there already been talks between representatives
of the Dalai Lama and Beijing?
Zhang: His government-in-exile is illegal. Our central government has
never recognized it. No country in the world, including Germany,
recognizes it diplomatically. There are no talks between the Chinese
and his so-called government-in-exile. The current contacts merely
involve a few individuals from his immediate surroundings. The talks
revolve around his personal future.
SPIEGEL: The Dalai Lama enjoys a great deal of sympathy in America,
Europe and in Asia, also because the Chinese Communist Party is not
particularly democratic.
Zhang: Frankly, the number of people who know the true Dalai Lama is
very small. His supporters include enemies of China, but also the true
faithful, who are being led astray by this false religious leader.
And, finally, there are those who do not understand the real
situation.
SPIEGEL: Nevertheless, the Dalai Lama is a winner of the Nobel Peace Prize.
Zhang: I have never understood why a person like the Dalai Lama was
honored with this prize. What has he done for peace? How much guilt
does he bear toward the Tibetan people! How damaging is he for Tibet
and China! I cannot understand why so many countries are interested in
him.
SPIEGEL: For many Europeans, Tibet is still a country full of myths. A
new railroad line to Lhasa was inaugurated a few weeks ago. What does
it mean for Tibet?
Zhang: We are very pleased about this railroad. Everyone is convinced
that what the Communist Party has achieved on the roof of the world is
a miracle. It demonstrates China's strength and its economic and
technological progress. But, more important, the railroad shows that
the Chinese Communist Party is doing everything it can to improve life
for the various nationalities in the border regions. Tibet is now
economically linked to other provinces and the rest of the world.
SPIEGEL: There are rumors that China has nuclear weapons stationed in
Tibet. Can you confirm this?
Zhang: I can assure you with all responsibility that this is all a
complete fantasy. There is no nuclear weapons factory in Tibet.
SPIEGEL: The Dalai Lama is 71. He has hinted that there may not be a
successor or reincarnation. How will you react? Will you nevertheless
encourage a search for a reincarnation?
Zhang: The current Dalai Lama is the 14th. We do not know how much
longer he will live. We believe that good people live longer while bad
people live shorter lives.
SPIEGEL: Then the Dalai Lama, at 71, must be a good person.
Zhang: It is difficult to say whether he is good or bad. But when we
consider his actions, he does not appear to be a good person.
SPIEGEL: If the Dalai Lama doesn't want a successor, will the
Communist Party then say that this is a good thing? Or will it
undertake its own efforts to search for a successor in Tibet?
Zhang: There has always been a specific system to search for a
successor to the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama. According to the
historic rules and religious rituals, monks must travel throughout the
country and draw lots from the Golden Urn. But the central government
has the final say.
SPIEGEL: Will there be an official and an unofficial Dalai Lama, one
in Tibet and another in India? After all, since 1995 there has been a
dispute over the Panchen Lama, Tibet's second most important religious
leader. The Dalai Lama recognized one Panchen Lama, but Beijing
approved another.
Zhang: The reincarnation of the Panchen Lama has been regulated since
the Qing dynasty, that is, since the 17th century. The search for and
naming of the 11th Panchen Lama was done strictly in accordance with
historic rules. This is why he was recognized by the central
government. He is the legal Panchen Lama. The Dalai Lama broke the
historic rules during the search for the Panchen Lama. He didn't even
have the Golden Urn from which to draw lots. The Dalai Lama creates
chaos. But the market for him here in Tibet is shrinking.
SPIEGEL: Religion appears to be gaining strength in many parts of the
world, such as in predominantly Islamic regions and in the United
States. Isn't religion also on the rise in Tibet?
Zhang: Religion is a historic phenomenon that will continue to exist
for a long time. Our religious policy is very relaxed, and it is in
keeping with realities. But religion may not operate against the law
and may not interfere in justice, education, production and labor. In
China, people are free to believe or not. We do not become involved in
this personal decision.
SPIEGEL: But you have announced plans to strengthen the so-called
patriotic education campaign in the monasteries, which is also
directed against supporters of the Dalai Lama.
Zhang: Every nation on earth teaches its people to love their
motherland. We are organizing patriotic education everywhere, not just
in the monasteries. Those who do not love their country are not
qualified to be human beings. This is a matter of common sense.
SPIEGEL: Do you actually speak Tibetan?
Zhang: Just a few words. I have only been here a few months. But I do
want to learn the language.
SPIEGEL: Mr. Zhang, we thank you for this interview.
Interview was conducted by editors Stefan Aust, Andreas Lorenz and
Gerhard Spörl in Lhasa.
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